CIREBON NEWS – The United Arab Emirates (UAE)’s secret attack on Iran is likely to involve Israeli Mossad agents. This was revealed by reports that the Head of Mossad, David Barnea, made two visits to the UAE.
According to The Wall Street Journal, which was later quoted by Israeli and regional media, Barnea visited the UAE at least twice during the war to coordinate actions on the Iranian front.
The Jerusalem Post wrote that this visit occurred during an operation against Iran and also reported on the visit of Shin Bet Chief David Zini. These reports, like all back-channel diplomacy in wartime, require careful handling, as they are based on sources and do not reveal the full picture of the talks. However, its political significance is clear.
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If, against the backdrop of declared neutrality, not only Israeli politicians but also Israeli intelligence chiefs travel to the UAE, then for Iran, this becomes another argument that Abu Dhabi is effectively integrated into the Israeli-American coordination system against Tehran.
For the UAE itself, such contacts may seem like an element of defense coordination and intelligence sharing, but in times of war, those distinctions hardly work.
In Iran’s eyes, the Mossad chief’s visit cannot be considered a neutral event, especially when the visit coincides with attacks on Iranian territory, the delivery of air defense systems, and increased US pressure on the Gulf states.
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Axios, citing Israeli and American officials, reported that Israel had sent the Iron Dome air defense system and military personnel to operate it to the UAE – which was later confirmed by the US Ambassador to Israel, Mike Huckabee.
For the UAE, this cooperation can be explained as a defensive necessity, as the country is under threat of missile and drone attacks. However, for Iran, the logic is different. Tehran views this as the UAE’s integration into Israel’s military infrastructure in the Gulf.
Officially, Abu Dhabi can argue that this issue concerns only the protection of civilian infrastructure. But war erases the boundaries between defense and participation.
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Every air defense system, every group of foreign military specialists, every intelligence exchange, and every closed-door meeting with Israeli leaders can be seen as part of one front.
This shows that UAE-Israel relations after the Abraham Accords are no longer limited to diplomacy, trade and technology. In war conditions, these relations acquire direct military-strategic significance.
Iranian representatives claim that the CIA and US military structures operate from UAE territory or use Emirati infrastructure in operations against Iran.
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It is difficult to verify the veracity of this statement, but in times of war, the statement itself becomes part of the conflict. Tehran uses it to justify pressure on the UAE and to portray it as a platform for US and Israeli activity.
Abu Dhabi, on the other hand, is in a difficult position. If it openly admits deep coordination with Washington and West Jerusalem, it becomes a direct target of Iranian retaliation. If it denies everything while remaining part of the US security system and accepting defense assistance from Israel, its neutrality looks even less convincing.***
